The British Remigration Policy Platform (BRPP)—2026 Update
The United Kingdom is hardly unified any longer. More than 12,000 dangerous criminal immigrants (not including the children of immigrants) have been released onto Britain’s streets, the English are a minority in several of our largest cities, and numerous self-hating British uni-party politicians, alongside some virulent second and third-generation immigrants, are trying to erase our cultural heritage, sometimes rather violently, and in collusion with the left. This is happening due to unprecedented demographic change.
In 1991 the British people were 91/92% of the population of our islands. Non-Western minorities were less than 6% of the population and because of this integration and assimilation were relatively simple for those minority individuals not hiding inside the already forming social enclaves in places like London and Birmingham. Britain could have continued to exist as a peaceful and prosperous society in these social conditions, but this was not the path that the elite class chose. From Blair’s ministry in 1997 onward mass immigration has been the goal of every government whether Labour or Conservative. By 2021 the census estimated that British people were just 76.8% of the population of these islands, and this was before the Boris Wave of post-COVID immigration swept over us like a tsunami. Using net migration figures from 2021-2025 and net emigration figures of British people in that same time period White Papers estimates that roughly 73% of the population of the United Kingdom are native Britons: about 51 million of the 70 million people who live in the UK. The British people are being erased in our ancient home and without a sensible remigration policy this process will continue until there is little of the original nation left.
Just as demographics are redesigning the nation, the Labour government is in the process of redesigning the national logo, of removing Britons from the banknotes (Winston Churchill will be replaced with a badger, so I’ve read), and the House of Lords will now be rid of the hereditary peerage which has underpinned British governance for more than 700 years. Without substantial change it is likely that the ancient union of British peoples will eventually be scuttled, and the self determination of the British will be lost forever.
There have also been positive developments. Remigration is now a mainstream topic in Britain, as are mass deportations of illegal aliens, and calls for net migration to be negative. The British public is moving quite quickly to embracing remigration policies and to quote Restore Britain Leader and parliamentarian Rupert Lowe “If that means millions must go, then millions must go.” Indeed, millions will need to go if Britain is to remain a cohesive nation-state and the place where the English, Scottish, Welsh, Northern Irish and all other British peoples are able to express our self-determination free from outside interference. As such, I have deiced to update this British remigration policy platform to include new data, new political developments, and, yes, some new perspectives on remigration that will help push the national debate here in Britain.
There will be two categories of remigration policies involved:
1. Mandatory Remigration Policies (MRPs), designed so the state may forcibly detain, denaturalize, and deport illegal immigrants, criminals, grooming gang members, their families, and other anti-British malcontents.
2. Voluntary Remigration Policies (VRPs), designed to encourage and facilitate the departure of the many millions of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants who have expressed an interest in leaving Britain, and whom the British need to leave our homeland if we are to remain the unchallenged majority herein.
I propose that these policies be implemented and funded for a period of twelve years, or the average length of three parliamentary terms and not taking into account any possible snap elections. This timeline would allow for the establishment of the remigration program, spread the funding out appropriately, and give Britain sufficient time to alter and adjust other policies (benefits, housing, energy etc) as the remigration policies take effect. Britain would have time to rework education policies to train domestic talent such as doctors and nurses without necessitating the immediate expulsion of foreign NHS workers or critical talent, for example. This timeframe would also allow voluntary departees proper time to make arrangements to leave and would lessen the decision-making pressure on those considering leave and allow them time to make the appropriate decision for their personal and familial circumstance. Most importantly this 12-year period would allow for a distribution of the fiscal outlays necessary to fund both MRPs and VRPs.
It is my sincere hope that the rising tide of national-conservative and nationalist policymakers will not only adopt these policy suggestions but build upon them in their mission to restore the British family of nations.
Mandatory Remigration Policies (MRPs)
1. Deporting All Illegal Immigrants: According to a parliamentary transcript from September of 2024 there are roughly 1.2 million illegal immigrants in the United Kingdom, namely from safe countries such as Vietnam, Albania, or Nigeria. Among these illegal immigrants are approximately 241,000 children. These numbers were from 2020 and so I must add the 183,000-plus people who have come to the United Kingdom in small boats since 2021 to the sum, thereby increasing the sum of illegal immigrants in Britain to—at a minimum—1.4 million people.
Illegal immigrants account for nearly 2% of the United Kingdom’s population and of they have no business in our country. Not only because it is an unacceptable breach of our sovereignty for these immigrants to enter our country, but because the British government is expected to increase spending on refugees will exceed £11 billion as of 2026. It must stop.
The proper place for any illegal immigrant is their home country. Therefore, the first priority of the BRPP is the deportation of all illegal immigrants in the United Kingdom.
We know the United Kingdom can achieve this goal because it has a track record of high deportation figures. In the period of 2010 to 2014 annual removals peaked at 46,000 people with roughly 25,000 of those deportations being enforced or monitored deportations while the remaining 20,000 were voluntary. In this case voluntary means immigrants self-deporting upon being informed they must leave the country. Both enforced and voluntary deportations have since collapsed to below 20,000 and have remained in the low tens-of-thousands since 2019.
Currently the government has 2,200 detention beds for deportees, while simultaneously paying for 5,000 empty beds for expected migrant arrivals. As for occupied migrant beds, the British state is currently paying in excess of £4 billion annually to house migrants in 36,000 beds (generally in hotels).
If the British state can pay for 40,000-plus beds for migrant arrivals it can certainly afford to pay for repurposing these 40,000-plus beds into detainment places for deportees. With 83% of immigrants deported (or released, rather unfortunately) within 2 months it is clear the United Kingdom could facilitate rapid deportations upon expanding the number of detention places.
Assuming for the sake of debate, that deportations may take longer, say 3 months on average, the United Kingdom could use enforced deportation to remove 160,000 illegal immigrants a year. With the accompanying increase in voluntary returns the number of illegal immigrant returnees could top 200,000 annually. Under this policy environment the illegal immigrant population would be reduced to near-zero within 7 years—if voluntary returns were to rise higher than 40,000 per annum (which is likely) the illegal immigrant population could be reduced to zero in under 5 years.
Those foreign states that do not cooperate with enforced returns will be subject to policy reprisal and economic sanction, outlined in this policy piece:
The Great Repatriation and Unwilling States - 2.0
The Great Repatriation: the return of non-Whites to their respective ethnic homelands, is the cornerstone of our policy agenda here at White-Papers. While we do not doubt that this can be accomplished, and have written extensively about states that could be our allies in this cause other states will, at least in the beginning, be opposed to any Great Re…
Donald Trump has demonstrated the validity of this sanctions and economic reprisal based strategy through his recent tariff threats toward Colombia and Mexico, both of whom folded in a matter of hours and acceded to Trump’s immigration demands.
2. Denaturalise and Deport Dual-National Criminals: British law paces a duty upon the Home Secretary to deport foreign criminals, particularly those criminals who have been handed a prison sentence longer than 12 months. Not only are these deportations exceedingly rare and inefficient, according to parliamentary research briefing from August of 2024, but the Home Secretary is using ministerial discretion to minimize the number of foreign criminal deportations.
Not only must all foreign criminals be deported from Britain, but all dual nationals who have committed a crime in the United Kingdom must be stripped of their citizenship and sent to their ancestral homeland, regardless of second or even third generation immigrant status. A UK passport does not in itself make someone a member of these ancient British nations.
Thanks to a report with a forward penned by our proudly Guyanese Foreign Secretary, The Right Honourable David Lindon Lammy, the British public is aware that more than 1.6 million people of non-(native) British origin have a criminal record in the United Kingdom.
There is no reason for the British public to live alongside this staggeringly large population of non-British criminals. British law enables the Home Secretary to denaturalise any dual national of the UK, or person able to attain another nationality—determining that an individual is legally subject to denaturalisation is achieved by applying one or more of three criteria: a) should it be considered that doing so is conducive to the public good; b) if the person obtained their citizenship through fraud, false representation or concealment; or c) if the persons have conducted himself or herself in a manner which is, quote: “seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the United Kingdom”.
It is a logical position that denaturalising and deporting all dual-national criminals is conducive to the public good and that the presence of more than 1.6 million non-British criminals is indeed seriously prejudicial to the vital interest of this country.
This goal is both achievable and would make a significant demographic difference. Thanks to an analysis by the pro-immigrant Runnymede Trust we know that 63% of people with a migrant background in Britain can be deprived of their British citizenship. This means over 1,000,000 non-British dual national criminals could be stripped of their British citizenship and deported to their countries of ancestral origin.
3. Comprehensively Review and Strip Citizenship from Fraudsters: The British state must undertake a comprehensive review of any grant of citizenship issued since the year 1991. Marriage fraud, pregnancy fraud, asylum fraud, student visa fraud, and numerous other practices have resulted in hundreds of thousands if not millions of immigrants being granted citizenship in violation of British law over the past 30 years.
A House of Commons impact assessment from September of 2013 estimates that roughly 10,000 immigrants enter the country under shame marriage arrangements each year. Assuming this has been going on since at least 1991 this would mean that more than 340,000 people have migrated to the United Kingdom under shame marriage arrangements. Most of these shame marriage criminals will have been granted citizenship and are now living life as British citizens in defiance of British law.
Another group known for committing serious and serial fraud are the 400,000-plus asylum seekers currently living in the United Kingdom. In a notable 2021 case—with a 9-year administrative history—an Albanian man known to have committed various categories of immigrant and citizenship fraud was not stripped of his British passport due to Home Office impotence. This is unacceptable.
Every asylee who has been granted British citizenship must have their asylum claim and citizenship grant reviewed and if necessary revoked. In particular the tens of thousands of asylees originating from India, Vietnam, Bangladesh, Albania, China, Brazil and other undeniably safe countries must be denaturalised and deported.
Then there are the rafts of ‘students’. In a 2024 Telegraph piece by Nick Timothy, it was revealed that 69% of people on graduate visas in the United Kingdom had applied after just one previous year of studies. A master’s program was completed in just one year? Nonsense! Additionally, 63% of those who lost their graduate visa switched to another visa upon its expiration. There is widespread fraud and with more than 12% (or about 10,000) of students given familial or work extensions to remain in the UK each year it is highly probably that tens of not hundreds of thousands of migrants who are now British citizens attained their UK passport via this path of easy fraud.
Though evidence from the United Kingdom and United States suggests a fraud rate as high as 70% to 80% in certain programs (namely ones pertaining to refugee and asylum programs). In other cases, such as with marriages, fraud ranges from 10-25% (if we adjust for known under-reporting). Overall we can credible estimate that 10-15% of immigration applications in the United Kingdom involve fraud, and this would extend to naturalisation rates. If the UK were to doggedly investigate and denaturalise those suspected of immigration fraud then 720,000 of the ~4.8 million non-Western naturalised citizens in the United Kingdom could have their British citizenship revoked.
4. Gradual Reduction in Visa Holders: Between 2019 and 2023 the number of non-EU foreign workers in the United Kingdom has shot interminably upwards from 2.11 million to 3.55 million individuals. In addition, more than 600,000 dependents arrived during that same timeframe. In 2024 another 345,000 people arrived in Britain while provisional numbers for 2025 show net immigration for the year was 204,000 individuals, the number of EU born residents decreased by 70,000.
According to these sums, it is clear there are roughly 4.5-4.7 million non-Western visa holders living in the United Kingdom as of year-end 2024. This figure does not include Americans, Australians, Canadians, or New Zealanders nor am I counting the 218,000 Ukrainians living in the United Kingdom, who are a rare example of genuine refugees.
A great majority of these non-Western migrants must return to their home countries and alleviate pressure on Britain’s services, housing, schools, and cultural cohesion. Not least because the British public voted in four consecutive general elections for immigration in the tens of thousands and instead receive immigration in the multiple millions.
In order to accomplish this the United Kingdom must first establish a hard set of immigration caps and refuse to grant indefinite leave to remain (ILR) to any non-Western immigrant for the foreseeable future. Furthermore, the UK must abolish ILR for any current non-Western immigrants who are not married to a native-born British citizen.
For the 12 years of this proposed policy program no more than 20,000 non-Western immigrants should be allowed to enter the United Kingdom per annum. Emigration of non-British citizens is expected to average 240,000 well into the 2030s, and the EU citizens hare is declining every year. We estimate that under this scheme the net immigration of today would turn negative and be the net emigration of tomorrow. Furthermore, with Britain not renewing visas, issuing any significant amount of visas, and abolishing ILR status for most non-Westerners the visa holding population of non-Western immigrants will drop to less than 500,000 within the 12 year scope of this plan and will likely drop to less than 1,000,000 within 6 years of the BRPP’s enactment.
After this 12-year period this country should engage in a national debate about returning to a system with a rate of net immigration, though the figures should remain extremely low, court specialized talent, and focus on other Western peoples.
5. Employer Immigration Tax: This policy proposal originates in Reform UK’s 2024 election manifesto and so I will quote the manifesto paragraph in question:
“The National Insurance rate will be raised to 20% for foreign workers. This would incentivise businesses to employ British citizens whose National Insurance rate would stay at 13.8%. Essential foreign health and care workers would be exempt from the tax, as would businesses who employ 5 staff members and under. This would boost wages and could raise more than £20 billion over five years to pay for apprenticeships and training for young Brits”
This policy marks many of the key points of pressure needed to encourage self-deportation of visa holders by making them a liability instead of an asset in the British labour market. For example 85% of businesses that employ migrants have more than 0-9 employees, according to a 2019 report by His Majesty’s Revenue & Custom’s, and so they would be liable to pay the increased national insurance taxes.
Most importantly, young British men need work more than ever and the £20 billion that could be raised by this taxation over 5 years could go to training young British men for the roles in vehicle repair, technology maintenance, and communications technology that so many immigrants currently occupy. Similarly, many young Britons both male and female could have their place at in university medicine programs funded by these excess taxes.
Finally, this policy would incentivise businesses to get on board with the phase-out of visa holders in the country and contribute to adjusting their market expectations to either hire young Britons or to invest in the education system to change the labour market to suit their needs. Either way it will incentivise the private sector to begin training and hiring British talent as briskly as possible while at the same time phasing out foreign-born talent.
6. Secondary Policy Changes: Any nationalists and national-conservatives looking to govern effectively will need to enact a series of secondary policy changes to enable the primary policies outlined above to be enacted with efficiency.
This list is not comprehensive, but is nonetheless very necessary:
Leave the European Court of Human Rights
Tighten nationality law by extending the necessary period of residence to at least 10 years. Strengthening language, integration, and civics testing requirements. No person reliant on public assistance should ever be naturalised.
Robust border security, stopping the boats, and immediate deportations for illegal entrants.
Abolish caps on the number of British students who may enter university to study medicine along with increasing the number of medical student places by at least 30%. Abolish foreigner-only courses and mandate they be transitioned to train British doctors.
Limit the number of foreign students to no more than 10% of the total student population. The United States university system persists with a foreign student share of just 6%.
Local police must collect and pass on information regarding any arrestee’s immigration status to the Home Office.
All public sector workers (including NHS, educational, and local authority employees) must report any illegal aliens to the Home Office. Sweden already has such a law.
Drastically limit the number and scope of immigration appeals through primary legislation.
Reestablish parliamentary sovereignty by abolishing the Supreme Court’s ability to rule on issues of immigration, remigration, deportation, and demographics.
(Ideally abolish the Supreme Court in its entirety, Britain survived just fine without it prior to 2009.)
Through this series of Mandatory Remigration Policies (MRPs) the United Kingdom could see the deportation and removal of roughly 7 million non-Western immigrants and their descendants, out of the total non-Western population of roughly 14 million people.
Assuming 7 million people depart the United Kingdom under these policies, and assuming that the native British population falls from 51.4 million today to 50 million in the 12 years after enacting this policy suite, the native British share of the UK population would increase from 73% today to 81.6% post mandatory repatriation. This represents a roughly 9-point increase in the population share of native Britons and the undoing of roughly 15 years of demographic replacement in the country.
I reached the population figure by projecting the national population for 2025 to be 70 million, or a 1% increase from 2024, as has been common for the last three years. I also assumed the minority share of the population is roughly 20% since upwards of 86% of all net migration has been of non-EU nationals since 2021. I believe these to be conservative population estimates.
Voluntary Remigration Policies (VRPs),
After putting in place Mandatory Remigration Policies (MRPs) there will be roughly 7 million non-Western immigrants and their descendants still present in the United Kingdom. As with any remigration policy, we want to determine who we want to avoid remigrating so as to focus resources appropriately. In this case it would be the spouses/partners of native Britons and their children. This figure, as best I could estimate using ONS data from 2011 and current population figures, is about 1.32 million people, with 520,000 being spouses/partners of native Brits and 800,000 being the children of these couples. If we keep to the Runnymede Trust figure of 60% qualifying for denaturalisation, then about 792,000 of these people would qualify to be denaturalised. I am not proposing we denaturalise this segment of the population. I am proposing we ensure their status be protected unless they are violent criminals. There will also be some second and third-generation immigrants such as former Home Secretary Suella Braverman (KC, MP) who will doubtlessly wish to remain in the United Kingdom to serve the country they love and the nations they wish to preserve. Our remigration policy, being voluntary in nature, would ensure that is the case.
Regardless, many second and third-generation immigrants, as well as some naturalised UK citizens without dual citizenship, wish to leave the United Kingdom and return to their homelands.
Therefore, voluntary and supported remigration schemes are necessary:
The marketing organization Word on the Curb conducted a survey of over 1,600 non-British namely ethnic minority people aged 16 to 34 in the United Kingdom and found that 66% of these non-Britons were considering or actively planning to leave the United Kingdom. This includes 72% of second-generation immigrants and 73% of third-generation immigrants (though there are VERY few third-generation immigrants in Britain). The poll also covered the various reasons that these individuals want to relocate from this island nation. 59% of the non-British youth who stated they wanted to leave the United Kingdom cited a worsening quality of life, while 28% were dissatisfied with the government, and 44% believed they could garner better wages abroad. Interestingly, slightly less than 20% of those surveyed cited a perception of racial discrimination as a motivating factor, though 39% stated that Britain suffered from “bad vibes”. These “bad vibes” were reiterated several times in the video interviews.
1. Paid Voluntary Remigration: calls for a one-time payment of £65,000 to each repatriate. This figure represents slightly less than double the median annual earnings of £37,430 in the United Kingdom. Most importantly, this remigration payment represents nearly 40 years’ worth of earnings in India, nearly 10 years’ worth of earnings in the Caribbean, and in some African states exceeds 50 or even 80 years’ worth of average earnings. Put another way, this sum could cover nearly 12 years of rent for a luxury 4 bedroom apart in Karachi or New Delhi while in Africa it could finance the building of a home and a business.
This program would also pay for the flights and bureaucratic fees necessary for repatriates to leave the country. With the average flight to Asia costing £630 and the average cost of a multiple entry visa to India or Pakistan costing roughly £75 the administrative back-end of repatriation should not be costly in terms of administration/logistical expenses. Additionally, if the United Kingdom’s bureaucracy can spend £4.3 billion to support illegal immigrant and refugee arrivals to Britain it can certainly afford a remigration focused bureaucracy for 12 years.
2. Unpaid Voluntary Remigration: There will also be repatriates who can leave Britain without paid assistance due to familial wealth, savings, or extant income from remote work for example. These repatriates will require administrative assistance rather than financial help in departing the United Kingdom.
For example, a Pakistani or Indian programmer who retains their UK based remote-work position but wishes to return to their ancestral homeland may not know that both India and Pakistan offer diaspora-based visas that would allow him to permanently live, work, and purchase land in his homeland.
For this reason, the United Kingdom’s Home Office must establish a Remigration Service not not only to manage paid remigration but to help all non-Britons who wish to return to their countries of origin can contact for information on their options and if necessary, can be put into contact with a solicitor or firm to help facilitate the process. This process should be accompanied by a large-scale ad campaign to make the public aware of the service.
This process could result in the creation of a new private sector business category of firms dedicated to helping both paid and unpaid voluntary repatriates in their mission to leave the country. Firms would be needed to help facilitate employment, housing, moving, and travel. This would take some of the administrative pressure off the British state and mean that some remigration related outlays whether remigration payments or administrative spending would remain in the UK economy.
A final incentive for both programs is that the British state will cancel up to £4,000 in debt for individual repatriates—this being half of the average amount of personal debt in the UK. This will relieve millions of would be repatriates of their obligations to pay university, vehicle, or credit-based debt and enable them to relocate abroad without concerns over UK based debts. Those who opt not to sell their properties and to simply take debt cancellation will see their UK based property (though not personal belongings) revert to a government or bank trust to be resold or redeveloped.
How many will go? There are 2.6 million non-Britons between the ages of 16 and 34 in the United Kingdom and if 66% of those individuals were to depart it would number some 1.7 million people, according to the study by Word on the Curb. If this 66% figure is assumed to be the relocation desire of the broader non-British population we can expect that roughly 4.62 million of the 7 million non-Britons would leave the country under a voluntary remigration scheme. Even if this figure decreased to say a 50% uptake in voluntary remigration among all remaining non-Western people in the United Kingdom, then 3.5 million repatriates would still move abroad. Many of the remaining 2.38 to 3.5 non-Western people will be the spouses, partners, and mixed-background children of native Britons.
The MRP and VRP policies I have outlined are projected to result in the deportation and remigration of roughly 11 million people from the United Kingdom. This remigration program would result in the native British population increasing from its current share of 73% of the UK’s population to an 86.44% share post-remigration, a 13-point increase that would represent the undoing of nearly 22 years of unwanted demographic change in Britain. The remaining non-Western/minority population of the United Kingdom would correspond to roughly 4.45% of the population while the non-British White population would represent a 7.24% share of the population.
Post-remigration the Western share of the British population will increase to 93.7%. These non-British Europeans and North Americans can be integrated into the British populace within a generation or less, unlike most non-Western immigrants. A process I outline in this piece:
The Context of UK Integration: Poles and Pakistanis
Immigration is the talk of the nation. Whether I am at work, walking around a market town, or simply overhearing conversation in line at the shops I am constantly hearing either serious remarks about immigration or some kind of joke where the intent is clearly to criticize
An additional 1.76% of the population would be made up of some those who have previously identified as ‘other’ and are often duplicated on the census and therefore could not be categorized in these numbers properly. Many of these ‘other’ and duplicate category individuals are Arabs, Albanians, Jewish people, Armenians, mixed race people with no cohesive identity, and other generally hard to categorize ethnic minorities in the country.
What will this cost? This is an understandable question as many Britons will balk at the idea of billions of pounds in outlays to facilitate both the mandatory and voluntary remigration schemes. It is key to understand that without these schemes the United Kingdom’s fiscal situation will only continue to deteriorate and if any patriotic Briton is truly dedicated to correctly the fiscal ship, they must also be an advocate of remigration.
We can assume that the vast majority of voluntary repatriates will take the paid remigration scheme. If we estimate that 85% take the payment then there are £260 billion in remigration payments to make over the course of the 12-year scheme. Roughly £21.6 billion in spending per annum. This is indeed a large sum of money, but it must be put into context. Within the context of the money Britain is already spending on foreigners a remigration program will save the British people trillions over the next 50 years.
As the Telegraph reported in 2024, over 1.2 million foreign nationals are claiming £10.1 billion in Universal Credit payments every year. This is 16.5% of all Universal Credit spending. This is roughly a quarter of non-Western immigrants. If we also assume that a quarter of the remaining non-Western population are on Universal Credit then there is an additional 2.3 million people pulling £19.35 billion to consider. The Universal Credit savings alone cover the cost of the proposed remigration program.
This is further backed up by recent ONS data showing that the non-British population costs the British taxpayer roughly £4,906 per individual per annum, and this is after tax is taken into consideration. Conservatively the non-British population is costing the taxpayer £68.7 billion each year. This is enough money in a single year to pay for three years of the proposed 12 year remigration scheme. If Britain were to simply continue to spend this money as it is now the Exchequer will have £824 billion in outlays for the non-Western population over the next 12 years. This is more than 3 times the cost of my proposed remigration scheme.
To take a more granular look beyond Universal Credit we can take a look at the British prison system. There are, by the latest count, 87,869 people in His Majesty’s custody. The Ministry of Justice also expects the prison population to exceed 106,000 people by 2027, dramatically increasing capital costs as the country will be forced to build a raft of new detention facilities. 28.2%, or roughly 24,766 of the current prisoners are non-British and other foreigners. The British government spends roughly £48,409 for each prisoner it houses, meaning the cost of the non-British prison population is some £1.2 billion annually. Enough to fund the remigration of 18,461 people under my scheme.
And then there is the cost behemoth of the NHS. In 2021 the British state spent £4,188 per person as part of the £280.7 billion NHS budget. With non-Britons of non-Western origin making up 18-20% of the UK population, and adjusting for spending based upon age (non-Brits are far younger than Brits), the NHS is spending about £2,000 per head on the non-British population. This amounts to roughly £28 billion each year in NHS spending on the non-British population.
The diversification of Britain is a massive financial burden that will leave future generations in an increasingly impoverished, crime addled, and low-trust society. The British people must reverse course and back a policy of sensible remigration. I ask you to take a moment to look out the window of your office or up from your mobile and imagine Britain with 11 million fewer residents, with fewer drivers on the road, fewer people competing for public and private housing, and fewer people attempting to crowd public transit, the benefits office, and the NHS. No more youths playing their music out loud on the tube nor Afghans stabbing elderly men while they walk the dog.
The quality of life of Britons and the sustainability of our state and island home depend on remigration.
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