The Arrival Anti-White Liberal Democracy
It's long been on the way
The anti-White reality of liberal democracy has been building for decades now, both in media and in politics.
On the media side of the equation, any rise of a “far-right” party (a label only the media has the right to first stick to a political group) is treated as a direct threat to Western democracy. In France, more than “1,000 Historians” signed an open letter begging the nation’s populace not to vote for Le Pen’s National Rally—a letter sent to the French media and published worldwide.
France’s president warned that a vote against his party was a vote against stability and that voting for one of the two “extremes” (National Rally or the New Popular Front) could spark a civil war in the country.
Likewise, Reform UK (which we will cover in detail below) has been described as a threat to democracy both by Labour and the Conservatives and UK media and state-adjacent institutions have wasted no time in labeling the group a threat to the rule of law and the democratic order.
Despite this rhetoric, Le Pen’s party won the popular vote by an incredible margin. National Rally received 10.1 million second-round votes, leading the second-place New Popular Front by 3.1 million voters and outperforming Macron’s Ensemble pour la République by roughly 3.2 million votes. National Rally’s vote share in the second round increased by 19.76% on its 2022 performance and the party gained a significant number of MPs.
Le Pen’s party won a plurality of both men and women, it was also the leading party among all French voters aged 35 to 69. Le Pen’s party came in second place with those aged 18-24 and 25-34, falling behind the leading New Popular Front by only a few percentage points with these age groups. Le Pen won a majority of the country’s Christian populace and came out firmly ahead with the country’s working classes and those making under €3,000 a month.
In contrast, the New Popular Front of Jean-Luc Mélenchon received 6% fewer votes in 2024 than it did in 2022. Macron’s Ensemble pour la République vote share collapsed by 14.04% from its 2022 numbers, and the nation’s Les Républicains (center-right) party experienced a 2% second-round drop in vote share from its 2022 performance.
Despite this resounding victory for the National Rally, and despite coming in first by more than three million votes, the party has come in third in the number of seats. Garnering 142 seats, an increase of 53 seats on its 2022 performance.
The New Popular Front, which again lost 6% of its vote share compared to 2022, gained 49 seats for a total of 180. Macron’s party also won more seats than Le Pen, despite coming in third place in the vote share. Ensemble pour la République garnered 159 seats, 86 fewer than the previous election (yet more than Le Pen won), despite a 14.04% collapse in its share of the vote.
Were France a proportional representation system the National Rally would have won roughly 214 seats, or 71 more seats than they managed to take home Sunday evening.
Under a proportional system, the New Popular Front would have garnered 33 fewer seats than they did during the election and Macron’s Ensemble pour la République would have taken home 27 fewer seats.
This result would have made National Rally the largest party in the French parliament by some 65 seats and put it in a position to be the natural coalition leader. Whether or not it would have managed to form a coalition is immaterial, however. What is material is significant is that Liberal Democracy thwarted the electoral will of the native French.
France’s politicians are performing as expected as well. Macron’s Prime Minister, Gabriel Attal (himself not a native Frenchman but rather the son of a Russian woman and Jewish man) celebrated the defeat of “the two extremes”. While the far left has asserted that the will of the French electorate must be respected and that the New Popular Front must be ushered into government without delay.
France’s former Socialist Party president, Francois Hollande, also praised the new ‘relative majority’ of the New Popular Front and joined a chorus of other figures, such as former Prime Minister Edouard Philippe in celebrating, in insisting that democracy be respected and demanding that a government excluding National Rally be formed at once.
No mention is made of the fact that Le Pen and Bardella took home the largest share of the vote, by far, and that if anyone speaks for the native French it is the leadership and membership of the National Rally. This reality of democracy need not be respected - namely because it is an illiberal one.
Across the English Channel, similar events took place on July 4th. The United Kingdom’s Labour Party won a resounding victory and took home 411 seats, an increase of 209 seats on their 2019 electoral results. This massive swing is not thanks to a surge in votes, however. Keir Starmer’s Labour Party won just 1.7% more of the popular vote than it did in 2019.
Then there are the Liberal Democrats. The Lib Dems garnered 61 more seats on election night than they did in 2019, for a total of 72 seats, despite an increase in their popular vote share of just 0.6%.
The big story of the night, and the one we are focusing on here, is the story of Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage. Reform UK managed to secure 14.3% of the vote, an increase of 12.3% from its previous results. Despite this massive electoral success and managing to secure 4.1 million votes (just 2.7 million fewer than the Tories), Reform UK won only 5 seats, or just 0.8% of the seats in Britain’s parliament.
Labour garnered 63.2% of seats, the Tories secured 18.6% of seats and the Liberal Democrats (who received 500,000 fewer votes than Reform UK) went home with 11.1% of the seats.
The British media and political class are hailing this as a victory for common sense and a resounding defeat of the “far-right crazies” in the Reform UK party. Choosing to completely ignore the democratic implications of writing off a massive share of the vote, a vote overwhelmingly representative of the native (White) British population.
Now former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, who pled with the British public to save democracy and called the rise of Reform UK “beyond Alarming”, is undoubtedly pleased that Liberal Democracy has been saved (for now) by the first past the post voting system, even if it means that Britain’s supposedly democratic system is now transparently anti-White.
Were Britain to operate under a proportional representation system Reform UK would have garnered 93 members of parliament, or 88 more than it secured under first past the post.
Labour would have won just 219 seats under a proportional system, some 192 less than it secured on election night. The Liberal Democrats would have won 79 seats, an increase of 7 seats on their election night victory, while the Conservative party would have taken home 154 seats, or 33 more seats than they secured on election night.
Most significantly though, this would have put Nigel Farage and his impressive anti-immigration platform in the kingmaker’s seat. Labour would not have secured anywhere near the 326 seats needed for a majority, and even a coalition with the Liberal Democrats under a proportional system would not have secured the majority needed to form a government.
The only method of securing a coalition would have been to include Farage’s Reform UK party (or the Greens, as they would have won 41 seats). Still, this means that Farage and his immigration-centric platform would have dominated the House of Commons for the next 5 years. Reform UK could have been the trump card holding partner in a Conservative-Reform-Lib Dem government, or the silent supporter (or detractor) of a Labour-led leftist coalition government which would have relied, constantly, on the grace of other parties in parliament to achieve any of its policy goals.
A proportional system would have made Farage and his party the most significant players in British politics, but as it stands he has been relegated to the electoral backbench.
In two highly culturally, economically, and politically significant White countries, the electrical systems have decidedly cast aside the votes and political priorities of millions of Whites because of their anti-immigration beliefs.
Democracy as described by the current elite is only that of a liberal democratic variant. But this does not mean that nationalists, anti-immigration campaigners, and other pro-Whites should simply give up.
Marine Le Pen’s party garnered 6.5 million more votes than in the previous election and is now the largest electoral force in France. Nigel Farage and his party came in second with Britain’s youth and if under 18s could vote (a policy Labour supports) Farage would win nearly 40% of their support.
In the United States, Donald Trump is just 2 points behind Joe Biden when it comes to support from the 18-40 year old demographic. Biden won this demographic by more than 23 points in the 2020 election. In fact, among the younger share of this demographic (those 18 to 26 years old) Donald Trump now leads by about 2 points.
Conclusion:
None of these politicians or parties are perfect, and some are far from ideal (Donald Trump). But they do represent a positive development for Whites across the West.
Whites (and especially young Whites) are on a journey of exploration, looking for anti-immigration and Great Replacement acknowledging forces that will begin to resolve many of the very serious demographic, economic, and crime-related issues that have come to plague the nations of the West.
If nationalists want to assist in this public transition then a greater effort must be made to build institutions and organizations that focus on both educating and providing services (scholarships, research, charity) to the broader White public. The more institutionally significant nationalism becomes the greater say it will have on the policies and platforms of these rising “far right” parties.
Do not despair. Fight.
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